The International Labour Organization is a specialised organisation of the United Nations. Regarding membership, the founding agreement provides for the possibility of a Member State withdrawing. These regulations do not include detailed stages of the procedure, but they indicate specific actions that should be taken by the state to withdraw from the ILO. With the end of the withdrawal procedure, the Member State should be prepared for the emerging (political, economic, strategic) consequences of such a procedure. Importantly, the statutory provisions regarding the procedure for withdrawing from the ILO have been implemented many times, with examples being the breaking of the membership ties by South Africa or Indonesia.

Constitutional defence is considered one of the important constituents of a rule of-law state. Without a professional and independent constitutional defence mechanism, it is difficult to protect the constitution as the foundational law with the highest legal effect. Modern Vietnam is built around the Soviet mode of power organization; therefore, there are many inherent difficulties in building and operating a professional and independent constitutional defence. As a result of the 2013 Constitution and the 2015 Law on Referendum, the opportunity to establish a centralized, relatively independent, and professional constitutional defence model in Vietnam has never been more possible than it is now. By applying certain main research methods such as the normative analysis and comparative methods, this article attempts to clarify the opportunities and analyse the characteristics of the Vietnamese constitutional defence mechanism concerning universal standards. Consequently, it proposes a constitutional defence model for a socialist rule-of-law state

The issue of constitutional protection of natural resources does not arouse the interest of lawyers, including constitutionalists, in Poland. In none of the drafts of the new Constitution of the Republic of Poland presented after 1989 was this issue regulated. After the new Constitution of the Republic of Poland came into force in 1997, no draft amendment to this act dealing with natural resources was submitted either. The constitutional surveys conducted in 2011 and 2017 did not explicitly call for a complete or even very extensive amendment of the Constitution. Most often, they indicated the need for punctual amendments or concerning certain areas of constitutional regulation. In light of the experience with forest management, it would be advisable to extend constitutional protection to all strategic natural resources.

The author offers an analysis of the controversial Israeli Nation-State Law of 2018 and B. Netanyahu’s involvement in its adoption. He claims that its ideas manifest Netanyahu’s desire to depart from the state-centred, social democratic, and liberal views advocated by Ben Gurion. This desire stems from his strong disagreement with Israel’s founder’s claim and belief that secularism is a guarantee that Israel does not fall into the same trap as the leaders of the bicentennial Crusades – which ultimately failed. The author of the paper makes an insightful comparison of this law with the contents of Point 13 of Thomas Woodrow Wilson’s 1918 plan – a docu-ment from exactly 100 years before, designed to shape Europe after victory in the war against Russia, Prussia, and Austria-Hungary, on whose lands an independent Polish state was to be established.

The article examines theoretical and practical problems concerning the realisation of participatory democracy’s potential for forming and implementing state policy on counteracting epidemics. The article is aimed at the study of participatory democracy as a tool of state’s interaction with the public while counteracting epidemics throughout history, from antiquity to the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic. Comparative, comparative legal, systemic-structural, dialectical, historical and other scientific methods have been employed to examine the issues discussed in the article. The application of the aforementioned methods is conducted on the interdisciplinary scientific basis.

The article covers the issue of the functioning of one of the advisory bodies of central governmental administration, i.e. the Council for Nuclear Safety and Radiation Protection Affairs, which is associated with the President of the National Atomism Agency (PAA), the chief nuclear supervision body in Poland, which is the competent authority in nuclear safety and radiation protection affairs, as defined in the Atomic Law (Prawo atomowe). The article presents the objectives of the functioning of the Council as an advisory body to the nuclear supervision authority on the basis of international and European law and the views of the nuclear energy law doctrine. In relation to the Council, an important role is played by soft law acts, especially the so-called IAEA safety standards. Despite the fact that they are not legally binding, they constitute a valuable and extensive collection of recommendations supporting regional and national legislative activity. The purpose of this study is also a critical analysis of the amendment to the Atomic Law from 2016 in the section relating to changes made to the way of shaping the Council’s make-up. They caused the loss of one of the Council’s most important attributes, i.e. independence in the decision-making process and they deprived the President of the PAA (decision-making body) of influence on shaping its make-up. The changes introduced should be interpreted as an unequivocal negation of the ratio legis of appointing the Council and a significant step backwards in relation to the existing practice and legislative trends in recent years. The author postulates restoring the previous legal solutions as the ones that will allow the Council, the advisory body, to fulfil its function in the right way, really supporting the decision-making authority for which it works.

: According to Article 15(1) of the UDHR, ‘everyone has the right to a nationality’. Although the quoted provision looks deceptively straightforward, the determination of its content is not an easy task. Past research has been mainly focused on the problem of statelessness which was the historical reason for the introduction of the right in question. In this paper, I argue that holding the status of a formal national is not enough to have the right to a nationality secured. To show this, first, I analyse the difference between the concepts of ‘nationality’ and ‘citizenship’ with special attention paid to the cultural component of national identity. Second, I investigate the understanding of a nationality as ‘the right to have rights’. On the basis of the research on the statelessness I ask what challenges are faced by people without the formal nationality of any state and I show that being a national of certain states is equivalent to being stateless with respect to certain fundamental rights of an individual. Thus, the right to a nationality is indeed ‘the right to have rights’, but only if it is a right to a right nationality. In consequence, I suggest that (1) any state which recognises the right guaranteed in Article 15 of the UDHR should embrace its full content by readiness to accept as nationals those whose original nationality does not guarantee the protection of their first-order rights or is based on values clearly contradictory to their own; (2) peoples from failed states should be able to acquire new citizenship in a country of maximal cultural affinity, with regard to the economic effectiveness of the latter; (3) the obtaining of new citizenship may legitimately be conditioned by demand on compliance with the system of values of the nationality granted.

On the basis of the author’s own maps of the Warsaw-Śródmieście district and comparing private and public institutions, the author explains how the cooperation in the area of protection provided by the government and private security companies is fulfilled. In the article, the researcher tries to verify whether the private security companies divide their action territory between themselves. What is the selection reason of the security company? How important are the historic monuments and how are they protected? The attitude towards the private security companies and the reasons behind the selection of the company are analysed. Who can we ask for help in a critical situation?

The article deals with the possibility of strengthening Polish security by establishing strategic system resilience the country’s aggression. Discusses the enterprise such as irregular activities in the territory occupied by enemy; support operational troops by territorial defence; preparation of mobilizing reserves; the operational preparation of the country’s territory and protection of the critical infrastructure objects; security of citizens and the State structures, including the common civil protection; universal education for security, including the preparation of the defence of society. The article emphasises the role of the participation of non-governmental organisations and private entities in the provision of strategic resistance country, pointing to the legal, financial, organisational and historical circumstances.

The article analyzes the idea of the so-called “golden visas” or the possibility of purchasing citizenship or permanent residency offered by some countries. There are numerous controversies about this solution, and the defenders and opponents have many rguments for and against it. Arguments presented in the article confirm that at this stage, it is not possible to abandon this solution. However, it is possible to see problems arising from the existence of this institution and to introduce appropriate safeguards so that possible negative effects are minimized.

100 years of constitutionalism of two neighbouring European states – Czechoslovakia, later becoming the Czech Republic, and Poland – encourage a reflection on the paths of development of their respective constitutions, on the historical stages and successive political transformations, not just in the context of individual constitutionalisms of each of those states but with an emphasis on the similarities and differences in this domain. And this is what this study focuses on. Starting from the common fate of rebirth of both states after WWI through the inter-war efforts to establish democratic constitutional systems and the obstacles found on the way, followed by the post-WWII period of real socialism ending with the era of transformations and stabilisation as democratic states of law. The text explores all the similarities found in both general aspects – like the references to the European tradition of parliamentary governance – and in certain specific solutions – like the differences in the concept of the two-chamber parliament. But there are also situations occurring in only one of the states, e.g. the federalisation of Czechoslovakia, the emergence of two separate states of the Czechs and Slovaks, or the differences in the course and sequence of events of democratic transformations in each of the states in the 1980s (martial law in Poland and the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia), which brings us to the conclusion that despite all the possible differences, the two constitutional systems have actually been very similar to each other.

Przedmiotem drugiej części artykułu (pierwsza część została opublikowana w numerze 1/2019 „Krytyki Prawa”) pozostaje analiza wpływu wzorców kultury, m. in. takich jak uczciwość, dialog społeczny, eliminacja przemocy, na formowanie stosunków między władzą a członkami społeczności państwowej.

Problem przemocy „honorowej" jest zjawiskiem przekraczającym granice państw, kultur i religii. Przemoc ta najczęściej bywa łączona z krajami i regionami Bliskiego Wschodu - Jordanią, Libanem, Palestyną, irackim Kurdystanem. W Europie oma- wiana kwestia pojawiła się w debacie publicznej dopiero na początku XXI w. i zo- stała ograniczona do kontekstu migracyjnego. Efektem takiej kategoryzacji przemocy „honorowej" jest polityzacja zjawiska, przejawiająca się w silnym uzależnieniu działań podejmowanych przez państwo od takich czynników, jak linia polityczna rządzącej partii czy nastroje społeczne. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie o to, w jaki sposób uregulowano prawnie problem prze- mocy „honorowej" w wybranych krajach i regionach: Libanie, Jordanii, irackim Kurdystanie, Wielkiej Brytanii, Holandii i w Niemczech. Umożliwi to identyfikację sposobów walki z tym problemem i wskazanie, czy kontekst migracyjny wpływa na zróżnicowanie stosowanych rozwiązań. Przedmiotem analizy będzie regulacja prawna, a także orzecznictwo sądów oraz działalność różnych instytucji rządowych oraz pozarządowych nakierowanych na walkę z tym problemem. Wyniki badań prowadzą do refleksji nad tym, czy prawo karne rzeczywiście jest najefektywniejszym instrumentem rozwiązania omawianego problemu. Badana problematyka wpisuje się w szerszy kontekst zagadnienia wykorzystywania narzędzi prawnych do osiągania określonych celów polityk publicznych.

Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą wyjaśnienia Platońskiej koncepcji dobra wspólnego jako teorii znacznie bardziej odpowiadającej dobru ogółu (jako takiemu), niż współczesne teorie, które stawiają człowieka na piedestale. Poprzez odniesienia do treści Praw oraz Państwa zostanie przedstawione, że Platon postrzegał swoją ideę w państwowotwórczy sposób. Jest to bardzo trafna interpretacja troski o dobro ogółu. W tekście została także wskazana rola pierwiastków religijnych w treści Platońskiej koncepcji.

Szwedzka ustawa zasadnicza Akt o druku z 1766 r. (Tryckfrihetsförordningen), pierwsza na świecie ustawa gwarantująca prawo publicznego dostępu do dokumentów państwowych, jest częścią konstytucji tego kraju i zapewnia dziś jak najszerszy publiczny dostęp do oficjalnych dokumentów. Akt ten stanowi podstawę tradycyjnego prawa szwedzkiego znanego jako Zasada jawności (offentlighetsprincipen), która odgrywa kluczową rolę nie tylko w zapewnianiu obywatelom prawa dostępu do dokumentów publicznych, ale jest także niezbędna w sprawowaniu odpowiedzialności ze strony urzędników rządowych i państwowych. Stosowanie jak największej przejrzystości przyczynia się do właściwego funkcjonowania liberalnego systemu demokratycznego, ograniczając jednocześnie korupcję i nadużycia. Rozwój przejrzystości i kształtowanie otwartego społeczeństwa sprzyja większemu udziałowi obywateli w społeczeństwie, wzbudza zaufanie do państwa – niezbędny element budowania skutecznego państwa, które ma służyć jego właścicielom, obywatelom – oraz przyczynia się do funkcjonowania rządów prawa i podnosi jakość demokracji.