Jednym z zasadniczych dylematów w sądowym stosowaniu prawa jest respektowanie zasady praworządności, a nie tylko zasady legalizmu. Zasada legalizmu ujęta w art. 7 Konstytucji w niewystarczający sposób chroni konstytucyjnie gwarantowane prawa i wolności jednostki i dlatego konieczny jest sędziowski aktywizm, tj. korekta prawa stanowionego w procesie wykładni i stosowania prawa po to, by prawu nadać taką treść, która zgodna jest z konstytucyjnie określonymi wartoś­ciami, leżącymi u podstaw aksjologii polskiej Konstytucji. Korekta prawa stanowio­nego wiąże się z wyjściem poza treść zasady legalizmu i odniesienia się do takich wartości jak: słuszność, sprawiedliwość, dobro, prawa i wolności człowieka.
Sędzia z uwagi na to, że zgodnie z Konstytucją podlega przede wszystkim jej przepisom, a w dalszej kolejności ustawom, może – jeśli potrafi to uzasadnić – odrzucić treść przepisów ustawowych i oprzeć rozstrzygnięcie wyłącznie na przepisach Konstytucji. Jest to zasadne wówczas, kiedy Konstytucja w większym zakresie aniżeli ustawa chroni prawa i wolności jednostki. Sędzia nie może powoływać w procesie wykładni reguły dura lex sed lex albowiem niszczy ona standardy kultury prawnej. Korekta prawa stanowionego w procesie jego wykładni wiąże się z sędziowską niezawisłością i odpowiedzialnością za wydane rozstrzygnięcie.

This article is a contribution to the biography of Professor Andrzej Kabat – a prose-cutor, legal counsel, judge of the highest courts of the Republic of Poland, and a long-time academic teacher. The study discusses selected jurisprudential achieve-ments of Professor Andrzej Kabat from the period when he held the office of a judge of the Constitutional Tribunal and the Supreme Administrative Court. Moreover, there are also references to his research on the institution of questions of law sub-mitted to the Constitutional Tribunal, which is regarded as pioneering in the science of law, despite the fundamental changes in the political system. What marks the discussed output of Professor Kabat is both the relevance of his ideas and the great significance for the practice of application of the law.

Pandemia spowodowała zmiany w funkcjonowaniu społeczeństwa, nie omijając też wymiaru sprawiedliwości. Potrzeba zachowania dystansu społecznego przy-spieszyła zmiany w sądownictwie. Wprowadzono rozprawy zdalne. W artykule podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy wobec występującego w społeczeństwie polskim zjawiska wykluczenia cyfrowego prowadzone obecnie e-rozprawy odbywają się w zgodzie z zasadą równości. Przeprowadzone przez studencką grupę badawczą badania empiryczne rozpraw zdalnych i własne doświadczenia autorki w tym zakresie składają się na materiał empiryczny wskazujący na występujące podczas rozpraw zdalnych problemy techniczne i te związane z wykluczeniem cyfrowym.

The purpose of this text is to answer the question of whether and to what extent traditional court symbols and rituals remain (and should remain) present at remote hearings. Some legal symbols have archetypal meaning. Others are born with their era, judged in a particular context. There are many of them in traditional courtrooms. Which remain on computer screen? The author investigates whether and to what extent visual symbols (e.g. elements of architecture, furnishings) are present at remote hearings. Considering courts and online courts (or ‘e-courts’) as heterotopias (in Michel Foucault’s sense), she looks deeper into and explores their properties.

The author’s goal is to analyze the concept of distributive justice and the possibility of its normative formulation in the Polish constitutional order. The starting point of consideration is the principle of social justice expressed in Article 2 of the Constitution and the model of distributive justice developed on its basis. The author, using formal-dogmatic, theoretical-legal and comparative-legal methods, points out the features of contributive justice and examines the normative and practical possibility of changing the paradigm of the constitutional fair state through a novel approach to justice focusing on equitable contribution, instead of the hitherto dominant distributive pattern. The result of the research conducted is the conclusion that, for reasons justified by the constitutional system and the praxeology of the workplace, contributive justice expands the concept of constitutional social justice in a valuable and desirable way.

Abstract The question of compensation of Polish citizens for their property left beyond the Bug river after the population exchanges is among the most complex social, economical and legal issues resulting from the World War II to be solved by the Polish State. Although more than 70 years have passed since this issue has arisen, it remains the subject of numerous national and European court rulings and legislative actions; the significance of the legal solution of the described issue is bolstered by the fact that it is being treated as a “proving ground” for the broader question of reprivatisation. This article focuses on the current Act of 8 July 2005 which was aimed at providing a final solution for settling the claims. However, during the last few years of this act in operation numerous questions and disputes have arisen leading to more than 600 administrative court and Constitutional Tribunal rulings. The subject of this article will be focused on current controversies regarding the subject including the requirements of residence on the former territory of Poland on 1 September 1939, exclusion of non- Polish nationals who are heirs to property owners from entitlement to compensation and legal consequences of nationalization by Soviet authorities during World War II and its aftermath.

The aim of this article is to show the structural similarities between legal discourse and film, and cinematographic works that can be useful in teaching law. For this purpose lacanian psychoanalysis is used (in the version presented by Slavoj Žižek) and the movies – Triumph of Will, Battleship Potemkin, Bezmiar sprawiedliwości, Twelve Angry Men and Dead Poets Society. Based on the three-level concept of meaning i.e. Imaginary, Symbolic and Real levels, the author shows that the centre point of legal discourse and film is the Great Other. Motion pictures as well as the law require their subjects to adopt the position of the entity to which the Great Other directs his message. Both discourses have the opportunity to abuse that position.

Franz Kafka’s novel The process is a timeless novel, still valid and alive. It is a description of the state of consciousness of a certain age, a certain view of the world of the author, of the enslavement of man by binding law, because the authorities decide on life and the fate of the human being. „The process” is a novel about a man, who is lost in his own life. The message of the thesis is that the man is born and condemned to live or to die without any explanation. Moreover he is subordinated to the top-down established rights. The judgment, which is death, falls on us without notice. The man is liable for everything that happens in his life and the world around him.

Rule of law is one of the most fundamental values of the European Union and the issues related thereto have become one of the top priorities not only in the EU agenda but also in the EU policies of most of the Member States, including Sweden. This is due to the increasing integration, the growing dependence of the functioning of the entire European Union on the way how the system of justice works in different Member States, and the concern over the condition of the rule of law in these Member States. In recent years, the European Union has been making use of some older instruments, whose aim is to control and improve the observance of the rule of law (including Art. 7 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union), and has adopted some new solutions too – the European rule of law mechanism and the regulation regarding rule of law conditionality, related to the new EU budget. The need to work out effective procedures to determine the condition of the rule of law and to uphold the main standards of the system of justice in all EU Member States is becoming more and more urgent and remains one of the greatest challenges faced by the European Union to be dealt with by the Swedish government.

The recent pandemic has forced us in 2020 to rethink the priority of access to medical care. The purpose of this article is to offer a brief account of how two countries – Sweden and the US – have reacted to the pandemic. The authors wish to show how the functions of the regulations and guidelines applied by hospitals and institutions during the COVID-19 pandemic differ from the objectives of health policies based on the principles of the distributive justice theory. The article will thus risk a preliminary assessment of the role of law in a crisis. A short summary of the main points of the distributive justice theory will be followed by an analysis of two cases: the guidelines issued by local authorities in Sweden and the American models applied during the COVID-19 pandemic. The conducted analysis results in a thesis that the objective of the justice theory differs from the regulations actually applied. In the case of Sweden, the recommendations seem to clearly prioritise the life of young people over the life of the elderly, even if there is no shortage of resources. In the case of the United States, we can see more objectives of distributive justice implemented in the analysed triages, but they are still not free from discrimination. The authors therefore call for an improvement of mobility of medical care resources in order to mitigate crises. The cognitive value has an international quality, and is aimed at Polish audiences dealing with the problems in question, be it at the level of a hospital or legislation.

The article analyzes the idea of the so-called “golden visas” or the possibility of purchasing citizenship or permanent residency offered by some countries. There are numerous controversies about this solution, and the defenders and opponents have many rguments for and against it. Arguments presented in the article confirm that at this stage, it is not possible to abandon this solution. However, it is possible to see problems arising from the existence of this institution and to introduce appropriate safeguards so that possible negative effects are minimized.

The choice of the formula of justice is being made by a law enacting body. In a democratic state parliament, or a political body is the main source of formulae of justice,
out of the nature of things dominated by political discourse. Here we touch the most significant problem of enacting fair and just law: considerations on the topic of justice reveal a connection of the choice of the formula of justice with philosophy. The compromise of philosophy co-acting in the twentieth century with totalitarian systems refuted then ultimately a myth about a possibility of direct translation of philosophical categories to political categories. The political practice of a liberal democratic state rejects the idea of metaphysics, which would determine the current purposes of the politics. There is a suggestion that democracy faces philosophy in the order of thinking. In spite of such attitude, the author decides to allow for philosophical establishing of the liberal-democratic state, but also allowing for the simultaneous realizing that it is by itself justified as the most reasonable political practice of the state. The philosophy may justify democracy only accepting in turn itself as a variant of a democratic discourse, although the only one which is able to have some distance to mere assumptions of philosophy, without ceasing in this way it is being a democratic discourse. Such philosophy is actually the hermeneutics of politics.

The aim of the present paper is to operationalise the concept of the political in
order to make it available as an analytical category for the critical study of judicial
decisions (case law). The concept of the political is understood here, following, in
particular, Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic theory, whereby it is a dimension of a social
antagonism. Such an antagonism can be played out not only in the process of
legislation (creation of abstract and general legal norms), but also in the process of
adjudication (the so-called ‘application of law’, which, however, always has a creative
element to it). As an analytical category, the political can be operationalised
in order to subject judicial decisions to a critique which goes beyond the question
of the ‘correct’ interpretation and ‘application’ of law in a given case, but puts in the
spotlight real social, political and economic conflicts that are at stake. The analytical
framework is exemplified by judicial decisions of the European Court of Justice.

“You can get lost when standing still too.” These words of Edward Stachura are a metaphor of the main proposition of the paper. It aims to suggest a way to “set the ball rolling” by designing the paths of education for lawyers anew, with civil society in mind, and not just thinking of the requirements of legal training. Lawyers with knowledge in the field of information technology, interdisciplinary lawyers for business, lawyers-guardians of the rule of law and justice all need study programmes to take their predispositions, goals, skills, and abilities – all at different levels – into account. The purpose of the article is to shed light on the extra-legal barriers hindering the taking of a practical step ahead. The author shows three main ways of educating lawyers and explains why they are so important and why they call for changes in study programmes. Next, the author points to the obstacles faced by reformers and suggests exploring their actual impact on education in law and the level thereof.

The Greek polis is the birthplace of a culture whose influence persisted despite the fall of the very form of polis. This culture plays a significant part in the life of communities of today, especially in the domain of the so-called Western culture. Polis means both state and city, but most of all it is “a society, a community of people living together”. This form of governance enabled equal citizens to exercise direct supervision over their governments. Polis itself was not an invention of ancient Greeks, but the public nature thereof, especially in the form of the debate-based democracy and the rule of law – not of people – turned out to be their contribution to the idea of a city-state. Democracy as a common form of a political system can be found particularly in the Greek culture of polis.
The general notions deriving from the Greek polis, i.e. citizenship, democracy, equality, independence, autonomy or justice, express a desire for a better life of an individual in a community. The democracy of classical times, characterised by equal citizenship and freedom of speech, is considered as the first one to moderate fierce social-economic disputes. It is this polis that made it possible for philosophy and science to develop. The modern-day discussion on the state in a globalised and increasingly urbanised world can surely benefit from a reflection on the civil and legal dimensions of polis.